Aiming at the heads and hearts of innocent people to literally destroy them to the enjoyment of Meles zenawi as he watches the literally disfigured faces and heads, his trophies, on television screens. Deliberately designing the ruling party owned and operated economic system inside the over all economic system of the country, to suck the blood of Ethiopian people; and the most recently selling of land that belongs to Ethiopia, are the ful l-fledged signs and symptoms of the extent to which, particularly Meles Zenawi is vehemently hating Ethiopia by extension the unity of its people. I argue that, it is particularly the later part that precisely defines Meles Zenawi as the dedicated enemy of Ethiopia and its people. To that effect he did design a method to break apart Ethiopia into its nationalities with the intention of letting each nationality to have its own government. He did not succeed. He failed miserably. Why, because the development of nationality in Ethiopia is at its strongest stage.

Another very important characteristic to note is that, the ruling party in Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi at its helm, is not a simple type of dictator, such as other African dictators. In fact, one would not find in the world, the head of a ruling party that hates, looks down on, and pays no attention to, the people he/she is supposed to administer, and yet appears on international forums claiming to represent the people he/she vehemently hates, looks down on, and pays no attention to, except in Ethiopia. He never intermingled and interacted with the society. That tells you who this guy is. Bottom line, this is the authentic picture that clearly defines Meles Zenawi and his mafia group in referrers to its relationship with Ethiopia and its people.

Therefore, in Ethiopia, where the survival of the country is at risk, the struggle primarily should focus on the survival of Ethiopia and the unity of its people. Here,20a very important point to note is, particularly in Ethiopia, time is the function of the struggle. The longer Melees Zenawi is left to rule on the people he vehemently hates, looks down on, and pays no attention to, and the country he is trying his level best to break it apart, the more the effect of the erosion on the unity of Ethiopian people. By the way, this is the main reason as to why I argue that armed struggle cannot be the solution but can be used as a back-up force for the process of developing the revolution or the up-rise. For example, how long would it take, 10, 15, 20, or 30 years for the armed struggle to match its strength with that of Woyane and get rid of it? So, do you go for the revolution at any cost, which is faster, or, for up to 30 years of Woyane’s rule? Which is not even certain to be achieved at that time.

Human rights, democratic rights and the rule of law aught to give way and assume the secondary position. It is very critical not to mix these two political situation and confuse the society, though two of them are of great concern. To clearly delineate the difference and the complementariness between the two would help the struggle to be in focus and sharpened it enormously. One would have a clear vision as to when to pick and which one to pick in time of need, so to speak. I argue that, in the case of Ethiopia, at this very critical moment, the unity and territorial integrity issues should trump any othe r issues of concern.

Let us see, in specific terms, where this hatred for Ethiopia and its people was conceived and how it was implemented.

1. Where it Was Conceived

Melees Zenawi and his mafia group demonstrated beyond any doubt, the hatred they have for Ethiopia and its people while they were in the forest. For example, here is what they did to Ethiopian prisoners of war as told by
Gebremedhin Araya, the then financial officer of TPLF, in 1975 (EC): There were seventy Ethiopian prisoners of war. Meles Zenawi and his mafia group decided to kill all of them. They came up with a method to kill them. The method was to use cyanide. Meles Zenawi took the charge. He ordered Abadi Mesfin, the technical health assistant, to get the cyanide. Bisrat Amare, the then chief commander of the jail, brought the cyanide to the jail where the seventy Ethiopians were held. Bisrat Amare as the coordinator, fetched tetracycline capsules to be used as the delivery mechanism. They opened the capsules and emptied the tetracycline and replaced it with the cyanide. Filled the capsule with the cyanide and closed it back. The Ethiopian prisoners were told to take the cyanide filled capsules in order to protect them from meningitis. The seventy Ethiopian prisoners took it and collapsed immediately (yeweyanew talaQ sera beQedmo abalat sigaleT, p. 71). Do you sense a venomous hatred exhibited by Meles Zenawi way back then? Do you relate this genocide to the method and the manner people are killed in Addis Ababa and in the provinces? This is who Meles Zenawi was and still is.

Contrary to what these thugs did to the seventy prisoners of war, Atse Yohannes defeated Atse Tekle Georgis in 1863 war near Adwa and took many prisoners including Atse Tekle Georgis himself. All those who were
taken prisoners, except Atse Tekle Georgis, were told to go back to their respective localities peacefully and wait for him. He told them he will come and talk to them ( Mekuria, 29). I am quite sure, Atse Tekle Georgis was treated respectfully until he died while he was in prison. Because, from what I have been reading about Atse Yohannes, he was kind, and at the same time a very determined and a decisive king. Since he was still in contention with Atse Minelik, he could have killed all of them, on the assumption that they would join with Minelik’s forces and fight him later. Tekle Georgis’s army were from different parts of Ethiopia, that would have been easily accessible to Minelik.

One more very pleasant note, and still emotionally very reviving, about Yohannes. Yohannes, surrounded with threats for over eighteen years by the enemies of Ethiopia, namely, Egyptians, Turks, Italians and Dervishes, he
 inspired, motivated and prepared the society to defend its motherland at any cost, by saying:

Ethiopia is your mother: l ove her,
Ethiopia is you country: defend her,
Ethiopia is everything to you: die for her.” (Giday, 157)

Do you think Meles Zenawi and his mafia group would even think, let alone say what their ancestor said? Absolutely not. TPLF, Meles Zenawi at its helm, is an insult to the people of Tigry. It is really very sad.

2. How this Hatred is Being Implemented in a Larger Scale

Here, I am going to focus on the unity of the people and territorial integrity of Ethiopia, because, principally, this is the measuring yard whether one is the enemy, or the friend of the country called Ethiopia. In my opinion, not human rights and democratic right violations or even the lack of rule of law. Again, the layout to implement the haltered was done when Meles Zenqwi was in the forest. Again, I am going to quote Ato Gebremedhin Araya. When he was asked why he left TPLF, one of the three reasons he gave for leaving TPLF was: “….’his’ stand in favor of separation or succession of nationalities and forming their own governments.“ (yeweyanew talaQ sera beQedmow abalatu sigaleT, p. 47). This was exactly where and when the definition of ENEMY, referring to Meles Zenawi is concisely provided.

The root of the following three points are the above witness given by Ato Gebremedhin. In addition, these three points would also prove that Meles Zenawi is the Enemy of Ethiopia, becau se he was the initiator and the main role player at that time as well as the implementer now:

2.1. The design to divide Ethiopia into regions bordered along ethnic and language lines. This aspect of implementation process is very important for the survival of Meles and his mafia group. You are aware that the composition of EPRDF is based on this design. The three ethnic parties, that are part of the composition are instruments to defend and protect the political as well as the economic interest of TPLF. These political organizations that make up EPRDF are nothing but informants, political assassins, and torturers whose existence are simply to preserve and perpetuate the domination of TPLF. Case in point: a student by the name Terefe Tolessa, age 21, is a member of Oromo People Congress. From Feb. 3, 2008 to March 9, 2008 he was arrested four times. The last arrest was made when he was campaigning for the election. He was released after five days in jail and was told not to enter the premise of the school. (EHRCO, 31st Regular Report, p. 4) Who did this to Terefe Tolessa? Of course the OPDO cadres, who are the arms of Meles and his mafia group. OPDO is the political arm of TPLF that defend and protect the political and the economic interests in the Oromo Region.

2.2. The design to systematically organize an economic system, with whetted appetite to eat Ethiopia to its bone.

2.3. The construction of one articled constit ution, namely article “39” with the help of some sellout and disgraceful technocrats.

The purpose of Article “39” was not to develop the nationalities, socially and economically, but to be used as the cover to break apart Ethiopia into its nationalities. The Article hence the ethnic and language based division of the country excite and motivate radical elements of the specific nationality, particularly if it is a major nationality, to instigate conflict against minorities on trumped up charges. One of the concrete examples is the latest conflict between Oromo and Konso, and between Oromo and Gumuz. (EHRCO, 31st Regular Report, pp. 13-21). Note here who the dominant nationality is. It is absolutely important that the minorities in Ethiopia to be well protected, from being trampled upon by the major ethnic groups, be it Oromo or Amara. In these conflicts, 145 lives were lost, 41 people injured, 14 displaced (mostly teachers), 32 students quit their school, and 19 houses were burned down. According to the report more ethnic clashes were reported in this Ethiopian calendar year than any other time. Does Meles Zenwi and his mafia group care about these ethnic conflicts. Absolutely not. Particularly Meles Zenawi doesn’t care a hoot about it. Because it is part of his dream. What would one call this, an enemy or a friend?
 
 3. What is the Solution?

We have come to an extremely important stage of my discussion. The
solution is to get rid: a) Meles Zenawi and his mafia group, b) those elites and technocrats, who, directly or indirectly, or, consciously or unconsciously sabotaging the struggle, and c) the Liberation Fronts, since they are inherently against peace, stability and economic development, through the process of revolution or an up-rise. When? Immediately. Note that time is the essence of the struggle in Ethiopia.

I want to be honest here. I have some sympathy for ONLF, except I am totally against its independence agenda. ONLF represents, unlike OLF that appears to be waking up from its political bankruptcy, the most neglected and forgotten minority in all the three successive regimes of Ethiopia. ONLF has to abandon this independence fantasy and resort to the struggle against the economic and cultural oppression by the central regime, with the intention to remain being Ethiopians and part of the rest of the nationalities. This independence slogan is an empty slogan, non achievable. Even if it achieved political and geographical independence, there cannot be economic and cultural development to rescue the Somali peoples misery, with the existing natural resources. I am wondering if ONLF have even thought about this lack. Eritrea is a good example to learn from. In my opinion, the killing of the Chinese oil explorers showed the lack of understanding, on the part of ONLF, the crux of their struggle. Why not wait until the oil was discovered and use it as a bargaining ins trument. For example forcing to invest certain percentage of the output to the need of the Somali ethnic group, or else. If the objective of ONLF is to relieve the Somali people from its particularly economic misery, not for power, it has to think very critically.

3.1 Are the People Ready to Shoulder the Revolution?

The answer is unequivocally, yes. The demonstration of May 9, 2005 in support of the opposition political parties; Regrettably, an opportunity was missed to get rid of Meles Zenawi and his mafia group. The election out come of May 15, 2005, that clearly showed the political maturity of Ethiopian people; are the two gigantic and historic activities that decisively demonstrated the ability and the maturity of Ethiopian people. The ability and the political maturity are the cumulative and incremental results of the political interactions between the society and some daring activists that started before, during and after Emperor Haile Selassie’s era. Therefore, the people of Ethiopia are ready to handle the revolution. It is waiting for leadership.

3.2 Is the Atmosphere Ripe?

Here too, the answer is unequivocally, yes. The famine that has reached about 10 million; the overwhelming misery of the living condition from one corner to the other corner of Ethiopia; ruthless crimes and genocides consistently committed all over Ethiopia; the rampant violation of human rights, and political repression that are taking place al l over the country; the absence of freedom of speech, assembly and demonstration; the repression of mass media by banning and jailing publishers; and the erosion of the unity of Ethiopian people, would make the environment extremely fertile and combustible, for a very decisive revolution.

3.3 Who Should Ignite the Revolution?

The politically skilled and mature groups of forces or individuals who are against the ruling regime are plenty. Regrettably, what is lacking is determination, courage and perseverance. It appears individuals endowed with these types of characteristics were wiped out during the first revolution of 1974. I hope the second revolution will germinate these types of individuals. Any way, provided individuals, or groups , or opposition
political parties, with these types of characteristics come out from their hidings and take charge, the situation is so combustible, once it is ignited it will reach the Tsunami magnitude capable of cleaning up the enemies of Ethiopia once for all. So, to be more specific: teachers, students, labor unions, determined opposition political parties, those who run the armed struggle, and even consciously organized groups of military, separately or in consultation can do the job. Here, it is very important to note that, once it is ignited, for any one of the political organizations to step up to the plate and assume the leadership immediately, before it fizzles out. Its completion is equally, if not more, impo rtant as its beginning. It has to go all the way up to
the complete removal of the regime.
 
Dr Mankelklot Haile Selassie